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Peasants, Zamindars and the State: Agrarian Society and the Mughal Empire

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Chapter Notes

Overview
This chapter explores the structure and dynamics of agrarian society in Mughal India, focusing on the relationships between peasants, zamindars, and the state. It explains how agricultural production was organised, the role of village communities and panchayats, the position of women and forest tribes, and the mechanisms of land revenue assessment and collection. The one big idea is that rural society was not a static, egalitarian 'little republic' but a complex, hierarchical system shaped by caste, class, state intervention, and commercial exchange, where conflict and cooperation coexisted.
Key Concepts (19)
Raiyat (plural: Riaya)
The term most frequently used in Indo-Persian sources of the Mughal period to denote a peasant.
e.g. A farmer tilling his own land in a village would be referred to as a raiyat in official Mughal records.
Khud-kashta
Peasants who were residents of the village in which they held their lands.
e.g. A farmer living and cultivating land in his ancestral village is a khud-kashta peasant.
Pahi-kashta
Non-resident cultivators who belonged to some other village but cultivated lands elsewhere on a contractual basis.
e.g. A farmer from village A who moves to village B for better revenue terms becomes a pahi-kashta in village B.
Jins-i kamil
Literally 'perfect crops'; high-value cash crops that the Mughal state encouraged peasants to cultivate as they brought in more revenue.
e.g. Cotton and sugarcane were considered jins-i kamil par excellence.
Panchayat
An assembly of village elders, usually important people with hereditary rights over their property, that made binding decisions for the village community.
e.g. The village panchayat would settle disputes over land, levy fines, and oversee caste norms.
Muqaddam or Mandal
The village headman, chosen through consensus of village elders and ratified by the zamindar, who supervised village accounts and assisted the patwari.
e.g. The muqaddam would prepare village accounts and entertain visiting revenue officials.
Patwari
The village accountant who assisted the headman in preparing village accounts.
e.g. The patwari worked with the muqaddam to maintain records of land and revenue.
Zamindar
Landed proprietors who enjoyed superior social and economic status, held extensive personal lands (milkiyat), collected revenue on behalf of the state, and often maintained armed contingents and fortresses.
e.g. A Rajput chieftain who controlled several villages, collected taxes, and maintained a small army would be a zamindar.
Milkiyat
Personal lands held by zamindars, cultivated for their private use, often with hired or servile labour, which they could sell, bequeath, or mortgage.
e.g. A zamindar's private farm, worked by labourers, from which he sold the produce in the market.
Jama
The amount of revenue assessed on land, as opposed to hasil, the amount actually collected.
e.g. The Mughal state fixed the jama for each village, but the actual collection (hasil) might differ due to local conditions.
Hasil
The amount of revenue actually collected from the land, as opposed to the assessed amount (jama).
e.g. Despite a high jama, the hasil might be lower if crops failed due to drought.
Polaj
Land which is annually cultivated for each crop in succession and is never allowed to lie fallow, as classified under Akbar's revenue system.
e.g. The most fertile fields that produce two crops a year without rest are polaj lands.
Parauti
Land left out of cultivation for a time so that it may recover its strength, as classified under Akbar's revenue system.
e.g. A field left fallow for one season to restore nutrients is parauti land.
Chachar
Land that has lain fallow for three or four years, as classified under Akbar's revenue system.
e.g. A field abandoned for three years due to poor soil is chachar land.
Banjar
Land uncultivated for five years or more, as classified under Akbar's revenue system.
e.g. A field that has been barren for over five years is classified as banjar.
Peshkash
A form of tribute collected by the Mughal state, often levied from forest people and including supplies like elephants.
e.g. Forest tribes paid peshkash to the Mughal state in the form of elephants for the army.
Jajmani system
A system of exchange where village artisans provided specialised services in return for a share of the harvest, land allotment, or other remuneration, though the term was not in vogue in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.
e.g. A blacksmith in a village would repair ploughs for farmers and receive a portion of the grain at harvest time.
Begar
Unpaid labour demanded by 'superior' castes or officials of the state, often protested against in petitions to the panchayat.
e.g. Villagers from lower castes were sometimes forced to work on the zamindar's fields without payment, which was begar.
Mansabdari system
The Mughal administrative system with a military-cum-bureaucratic apparatus responsible for civil and military affairs, where officials were paid in cash or through revenue assignments (jagirs).
e.g. A mansabdar might be assigned a jagir in Gujarat to collect revenue as his salary.
How It Works
Land Revenue Assessment and Collection under the Mughals
  1. Step 1: The state acquired information about the extent of agricultural lands and their produce through measurement and surveys.
  2. Step 2: The revenue was assessed (jama) based on classification of lands into polaj, parauti, chachar, and banjar, and by calculating the medium produce from good, middling, and bad categories.
  3. Step 3: One-third of the medium produce was fixed as the royal dues (revenue demand).
  4. Step 4: The actual collection (hasil) was carried out by revenue officials (amil-guzar) who could collect in cash or kind.
  5. Step 5: Methods of collection in kind included kankut (estimation), batai/bhaoli (division of harvested grain), khet-batai (division of fields after sowing), and lang batai (division of grain heaps).
💡 Students often confuse jama (assessed amount) with hasil (collected amount). The state aimed to maximise jama, but hasil was often lower due to local conditions.
Functioning of the Village Panchayat
  1. Step 1: The panchayat, an assembly of village elders, was headed by a muqaddam or mandal chosen by consensus and ratified by the zamindar.
  2. Step 2: The headman, assisted by the patwari, supervised the preparation of village accounts.
  3. Step 3: The panchayat derived funds from individual contributions, used for entertaining revenue officials and community welfare (e.g., floods, building bunds or canals).
  4. Step 4: The panchayat upheld caste boundaries, levied fines, and could expel members for violating caste norms.
  5. Step 5: Jati panchayats arbitrated civil disputes, mediated land claims, and decided on marriages and ritual precedence.
💡 The panchayat was not a democratic body; it was an oligarchy representing dominant castes, and village menials were unlikely to be represented.
Process of Zamindari Consolidation
  1. Step 1: Zamindaris could originate through conquest, where a powerful military chieftain dispossessed weaker people, but this required imperial confirmation (sanad).
  2. Step 2: More commonly, zamindaris were consolidated through slow processes: colonisation of new lands, transfer of rights, purchase, or by order of the state.
  3. Step 3: Clan- or lineage-based zamindaris (e.g., Rajputs, Jats) were consolidated through strategies of control over large territories.
  4. Step 4: Zamindars spearheaded colonisation of agricultural land by settling cultivators and providing them with means of cultivation, including cash loans.
  5. Step 5: Zamindars also established markets (haats) where peasants sold their produce, accelerating monetisation.
💡 Zamindars were not just tax collectors; they were landed proprietors with military power, personal lands (milkiyat), and a role in agricultural expansion.
Flow of Silver into the Mughal Empire
  1. Step 1: Political stability in large Asian empires (Mughal, Ming, Safavid, Ottoman) created vibrant overland trade networks.
  2. Step 2: Voyages of discovery and the opening of the New World led to massive expansion of Asia's (especially India's) trade with Europe.
  3. Step 3: Expanding trade brought huge amounts of silver bullion into Asia to pay for Indian goods (textiles, spices, etc.).
  4. Step 4: Since India lacked natural silver resources, this bullion gravitated towards India.
  5. Step 5: The influx of silver facilitated unprecedented minting of coins (especially the silver rupya) and circulation of money, enabling the state to extract taxes in cash.
💡 The flow of silver was not just a trade phenomenon; it directly enabled the Mughal state's ability to collect revenue in cash and expand the money economy.
Exam Traps — Don't Make These Mistakes
⚠ Confusing Khud-kashta and Pahi-kashta
✗ Khud-kashta peasants are those who cultivate land in a village other than their own.
→ This is the exact opposite of the correct definition. Khud-kashta means 'self-cultivating' in their own village of residence.
✓ Khud-kashta peasants were residents of the village in which they held their lands, while pahi-kashta were non-resident cultivators who cultivated lands elsewhere on a contractual basis.
⚠ Mistaking the Village Community for an Egalitarian 'Little Republic'
✗ The village community was a 'little republic' where all members shared resources equally and cooperated harmoniously.
→ This was a romanticised view held by some British officials. In reality, there was individual ownership of assets, deep inequities based on caste and gender, and a powerful oligarchy that exploited weaker sections.
✓ While some British officials saw the village as a 'little republic,' it was not egalitarian; it was marked by individual ownership, caste-based hierarchies, and control by a group of powerful individuals.
⚠ Confusing Jama with Hasil
✗ Jama is the amount of revenue actually collected from the peasants.
→ Jama is the assessed amount, not the collected amount. The actual collection is called hasil, which could be lower than the assessment due to local conditions.
✓ Jama refers to the amount of revenue assessed on land, while hasil refers to the amount actually collected.
⚠ Thinking Zamindars Were Only Tax Collectors
✗ Zamindars were simply revenue collectors for the Mughal state.
→ Zamindars were much more: they were landed proprietors with personal lands (milkiyat), military contingents, fortresses, and social privileges. They also played a role in colonising new lands and establishing markets.
✓ Zamindars were landed proprietors who held extensive personal lands (milkiyat), collected revenue on behalf of the state, maintained armed forces, and often spearheaded agricultural expansion and market establishment.
⚠ Assuming All Peasants Were Homogeneous
✗ All peasants in Mughal India were similar in status and wealth.
→ Peasants were highly heterogeneous, with deep inequities based on caste. There were substantial numbers of agricultural labourers (majur) from lower castes who had few resources, while others were affluent (e.g., a rich asami in Bengal might own 10 acres).
✓ Peasant society was highly stratified; there were rich peasants, average peasants, and a large number of landless labourers (majur) from lower castes who faced poverty and social exclusion.
Compare & Contrast
Residence and landholding
Khud-kashta
Pahi-kashta
Khud-kashta peasants were residents of the village where they held land; pahi-kashta were non-resident cultivators who cultivated land in another village on a contractual basis.
Revenue terminology
Jama
Hasil
Jama is the amount of revenue assessed on land, while hasil is the amount actually collected, which could be lower due to local conditions.
Classification of land under Akbar
Polaj
Banjar
Polaj is land cultivated annually without fallow, while banjar is land uncultivated for five years or more.
Role in rural society
Zamindar
Muqaddam (Headman)
Zamindars were landed proprietors with extensive personal lands, military power, and revenue-collection rights over multiple villages; muqaddams were village headmen who supervised accounts and represented the village panchayat within a single village.
Exam Focus
Marks pattern: 2-3 MCQs (1 mark each), 1-2 Short Answer questions (3 marks each), 1 Long Answer question (5-8 marks), often with source-based questions from the Ain-i Akbari or other excerpts.
Most asked: Khud-kashta and Pahi-kashta peasants · Role and functions of the village panchayat · Zamindars: their rights, privileges, and role in agrarian society · Land revenue system: assessment (jama) and collection (hasil), methods of collection (kankut, batai, etc.) · Classification of lands under Akbar (Polaj, Parauti, Chachar, Banjar) · Flow of silver and its impact on the Mughal economy · Women in agrarian society · Forests and tribes: relationship with the state and settled agriculture
Don't skip: Long answer questions on the structure of agrarian society (peasants, zamindars, panchayats) and their interrelationships.; Source-based questions on the Ain-i Akbari or Babur Nama excerpts, especially on irrigation, land classification, or revenue collection.; Compare and contrast questions on khud-kashta vs. pahi-kashta, or jama vs. hasil.
One-Line Revision (read aloud before the exam)
  1. The term 'raiyat' was used in Mughal sources to denote a peasant.
  2. Khud-kashta peasants were resident cultivators; pahi-kashta were non-resident contractual cultivators.
  3. Jins-i kamil were high-value cash crops like cotton and sugarcane that the state encouraged.
  4. The village panchayat was an oligarchy of elders, not a democratic body.
  5. The muqaddam or mandal was the village headman who supervised accounts.
  6. Zamindars were landed proprietors with personal lands (milkiyat), military power, and revenue-collection rights.
  7. Jama is the assessed revenue; hasil is the revenue actually collected.
  8. Akbar classified lands into polaj (annually cultivated), parauti (fallow for a time), chachar (fallow 3-4 years), and banjar (uncultivated 5+ years).
  9. Revenue was collected in cash or kind through methods like kankut (estimation) and batai (division of grain).
  10. The flow of silver from the New World and Europe enabled the Mughal state to collect taxes in cash.
  11. Women in agrarian society worked in fields, but faced restrictions like not touching the plough during menstruation.
  12. Forest dwellers (jangli) were not 'uncivilised'; they practised shifting agriculture, hunting, and gathering.
  13. Tribal chiefs often became zamindars or kings, and some, like the Ahoms, had systems of military service (paiks).
  14. The Mughal state derived its main income from agricultural revenue.
  15. The Ain-i Akbari by Abu'l Fazl is a key source for understanding Mughal agrarian relations.
  16. Zamindars often supported peasants in uprisings against the state, showing a paternalistic relationship.

MCQs — 10 Questions with Answers

Q1. Which of the following terms was most frequently used in Indo-Persian Mughal sources to denote a peasant?

  • A. Raiyat or muzarian ✓
  • B. Jagirdar or thanedar
  • C. Sardar or amin
  • D. Dewan or vizier

Answer: A — Raiyat (plural riaya) and muzarian were the most common Indo-Persian terms for peasants; the other options refer to state officials or military commanders.

Q2. What was the PRIMARY limitation of using the Ain-i-Akbari as a source for understanding peasant life in Mughal India?

  • A. It was written by a foreign trader and lacked local knowledge.
  • B. It presented a 'view from the top' glorifying state control and may not reflect peasants' actual experiences. ✓
  • C. It contained no information about revenue collection methods.
  • D. It was destroyed during later invasions and only fragments survive.

Answer: B — The Ain was authored by Abu'l Fazl, Akbar's court historian, to present a vision of state harmony; it reflects the ruler's perspective, not peasants' own voices or grievances.

Q3. A peasant who was forced to leave his village after a famine and began cultivating land in another village on a contractual basis would be classified as:

  • A. Khud-kashta
  • B. Pahi-kashta ✓
  • C. Jagirdar
  • D. Zamindar

Answer: B — Pahi-kashta (non-resident cultivators) were peasants from one village who cultivated lands elsewhere, either by choice or compulsion such as economic distress after famines.

Q4. According to the study material, what was considered an affluent peasant holding in sixteenth–seventeenth century Gujarat?

  • A. About 3 acres of land
  • B. About 6 acres of land ✓
  • C. About 10 acres of land
  • D. About 15 acres of land

Answer: B — The text explicitly states that in Gujarat, peasants possessing about six acres of land were considered to be affluent; in Bengal, five acres was the average limit.

Q5. Which statement about monsoons in Mughal agriculture is CORRECT?

  • A. Monsoons were unreliable and peasants did not depend on them.
  • B. Monsoons were the backbone of Indian agriculture and provided essential rainfall for basic staples. ✓
  • C. Monsoons primarily affected only rice cultivation and not wheat or millets.
  • D. Monsoons made irrigation systems completely unnecessary in all regions.

Answer: B — The text clearly states that monsoons remained the backbone of Indian agriculture, providing rainfall for staples like rice, wheat, and millets according to precipitation levels.

Q6. Which of the following was NOT a source used by historians to study agrarian relations in Mughal India?

  • A. The Ain-i-Akbari by Abu'l Fazl
  • B. Regional revenue records from Gujarat and Maharashtra
  • C. East India Company records from eastern India
  • D. Personal diaries and memoirs written by peasants themselves ✓

Answer: D — The study material explicitly states that peasants did not write about themselves; historians relied on court chronicles, regional revenue records, and Company documents, not peasant diaries.

Q7. According to Babur's observations in the Babur Nama, what made rapid settlement and abandonment of villages possible in northern India?

  • A. The presence of strong fortifications and stone houses.
  • B. Government incentives offered by the Mughal state.
  • C. Rain-fed crops requiring no irrigation and unlimited population available to resettle quickly. ✓
  • D. The abundance of permanent water sources like rivers and lakes.

Answer: C — Babur noted that crops were rain-grown (no irrigation needed), and unlimited population meant settlements could form swiftly with minimal structures like huts and tanks.

Q8. The Mughal revenue system known as Zabti or Ain-i-Dahsala, introduced by Raja Todarmal, was based on which key principle?

  • A. Flat tax rate applied uniformly across all villages regardless of soil quality.
  • B. Land measurement, classification, and a 10-year revenue average used to set fair assessments. ✓
  • C. Complete exemption from taxation for noble families and merchants.
  • D. Annual renegotiation of taxes between zamindars and the royal court.

Answer: B — Zabti involved measuring land, classifying it (polaj, parauti, chachar, banjar), and calculating revenue based on a 10-year average to ensure consistency and fairness.

Q9. Which statement about peasant land ownership in Mughal India is CORRECT? (Assertion-Reason type) Assertion: Peasants could freely buy and sell their lands in Mughal India. Reason: Cultivation was based on the principle of individual ownership.

  • A. Both Assertion and Reason are correct; Reason explains Assertion. ✓
  • B. Both Assertion and Reason are correct; Reason does NOT explain Assertion.
  • C. Assertion is correct; Reason is incorrect.
  • D. Both Assertion and Reason are incorrect.

Answer: A — The text states that 'Cultivation was based on the principle of individual ownership. Peasant lands were bought and sold in the same way as the lands of other property owners.'

Q10. Abul Fazl's statement in the Ain-i-Akbari that 'any revolt or assertion of autonomous power against the Mughal state was predestined to fail' reveals which historiographical bias in the source?

  • A. The author was hostile to all peasant movements and rural society.
  • B. The author aimed to glorify state power and discourage resistance, presenting harmony as inevitable. ✓
  • C. The author had no knowledge of actual conflicts or peasant grievances.
  • D. The author was sympathetic to zamindars and opposed taxation by the state.

Answer: B — This statement shows Abul Fazl's ideological bias: he wrote to present Akbar's vision of a harmonious empire where state dominance was inevitable and unopposable.

Flashcards

What does khud-kashta mean in Mughal revenue sources?

A peasant who was a resident of the village where he held and cultivated his own land.

What was the main purpose of the Ain-i-Akbari?

To present Akbar's vision of empire where a strong ruling class provided social harmony and state control over agrarian relations.

Why did peasants become pahi-kashta (non-resident cultivators)?

Either by choice if revenue terms were better elsewhere, or by compulsion due to economic distress after famines.

What were the three factors that caused constant expansion of agriculture in Mughal India?

Abundance of land, available labour, and high mobility of peasants moving to new settlements.

How much land did a peasant need to be considered affluent in Gujarat?

About six acres of land made a Gujarati peasant affluent in the sixteenth–seventeenth centuries.

What was the role of monsoons in Mughal agriculture?

Monsoons were the backbone of Indian agriculture, providing essential rainfall for basic staples like rice, wheat, and millets.

Which irrigation device did Babur observe in regions like Lahore and Dipalpur?

Water wheels (chakri) that people used to lift water by means of buckets to irrigate trees and fields.

What term did Indo-Persian sources most frequently use to denote a peasant?

Raiyat (plural riaya) or muzarian were the most common terms; asami and kisan were also used.

Why is the Ain-i-Akbari considered a 'view from the top'?

Because it was written by Akbar's court historian Abu'l Fazl to glorify state control and show that any revolt against Mughal authority would fail.

What does the Babur Nama reveal about peasant settlement patterns in northern India?

Peasants could rapidly establish or abandon settlements because rain-fed crops needed no irrigation and unlimited population could quickly build villages without permanent structures.

Important Board Questions

Define the term 'khud-kashta' and distinguish it from 'pahi-kashta' peasants in Mughal agrarian society. [2 marks]

State that khud-kashta = resident peasant who owned land in his home village; pahi-kashta = non-resident migrant who rented/cultivated elsewhere by choice or forced by famine. Use one example for each.

Explain why the Ain-i-Akbari, despite being a rich source for agrarian history, must be used carefully by historians. What supplementary sources do historians use to overcome this limitation? [5 marks]

Argue that Ain-i-Akbari is a 'view from the top' written by court historian Abul Fazl to glorify state control and show harmony (biased). Show that regional revenue records (Gujarat, Maharashtra, Rajasthan) and East India Company documents reveal peasant conflicts and grievances that Ain ignores. Include one concrete example of conflict/grievance from supplementary sources.

Analyse the relationship between irrigation technology, agricultural expansion, and peasant mobility in sixteenth–seventeenth century Mughal India. How did these three factors interact to shape rural society? [8 marks]

Develop three-point argument: (1) Monsoons were backbone, but crops like orchards needed irrigation wheels/buckets/tanks; (2) Abundance of land + available labour + rain-fed crops allowed peasants to move freely (cite Babur Nama: rapid settlement/abandonment); (3) Constant expansion of cultivation into new areas was result. Connect to state interest in control (revenue extraction). Conclude that peasant agency and state control were both present but in tension.

Assertion-Reason Questions for Peasants, Zamindars and the State: Agrarian Society and the Mughal Empire

Q1. Assertion (A):

Peasants in Mughal India did not write chronicles about their own lives and conditions, forcing historians to rely on state documents and court records.

Reason (R):

The absence of peasant-authored sources is due to widespread illiteracy among the peasant population during the sixteenth-seventeenth centuries.

Answer: B — Both A and R are true, but R is NOT the correct explanation of A — The assertion is correct—the text explicitly states peasants 'did not write about themselves.' However, while the reason may be partially true, it is incomplete and not the primary explanation given in the source. The text emphasizes the methodological challenge rather than analyzing literacy rates as the cause.

Q2. Assertion (A):

The Ain-i-Akbari presents an accurate and unbiased account of peasant grievances and their expectations of the Mughal state.

Reason (R):

Abu'l Fazl's purpose in writing the Ain was to document all aspects of peasant life without any ideological perspective.

Answer: D — A is false but R is true — Both statements are false. The text explicitly states the Ain represents 'a view from the top' reflecting the state's ideology emphasizing social harmony, not an unbiased account of peasant perspectives. Abu'l Fazl's purpose was to present Akbar's vision of harmonious empire, not objective documentation.

Q3. Assertion (A):

The pahi-kashta peasants were more common in regions affected by famines or economic crises than in prosperous agricultural areas.

Reason (R):

Peasants became pahi-kashta either by choice seeking better revenue terms or by compulsion due to economic distress, demonstrating the agrarian system's adaptation mechanisms.

Answer: A — Both A and R are true, and R is the correct explanation of A — Both the assertion and reason are true, and the reason correctly explains why pahi-kashta populations increased during crises. The text explicitly states peasants were 'forced by economic distress after a famine' to become non-resident cultivators, showing how the system accommodated displaced peasants.

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Case-Based Questions (CBQ) for Peasants, Zamindars and the State: Agrarian Society and the Mughal Empire

Case Study:

A detailed survey conducted by East India Company officials in Bengal during the 1790s documented three villages' landholding patterns: Village A had 120 families with average holdings of 3.5 acres each, primarily growing rice; Village B had 85 families averaging 5.2 acres, also rice-growing but with better irrigation access; Village C had 60 families averaging 8.5 acres, cultivating wheat and other crops. Cross-referencing these records with tax collection data showed Village B had the highest tax compliance rate at 92%, while Village A's compliance was 68% and Village C's was 71%. The East India Company officers noted that peasants in Village B explicitly mentioned 'fair assessment relative to our holdings' when explaining their consistent tax payments.

Q1. Based on the landholding and tax compliance data, which factor most likely contributed to Village B's higher tax payment rates?

  • A. Larger individual landholdings allowing greater tax payments
  • B. Perception of fair assessment relative to actual holdings, supporting the text's claim about peasant expectations of fairness ✓
  • C. Better irrigation technology producing higher yields than other villages
  • D. State-appointed revenue collectors who were more effective in enforcement

Answer: B

Q2. The variation in landholding sizes across these three villages most closely parallels which distinction made in the chapter?

  • A. The difference between khud-kashta and pahi-kashta peasants
  • B. The regional variation in what constituted 'affluent' holdings between Bengal and Gujarat regions ✓
  • C. The distinction between monsoon-dependent and artificially-irrigated cultivation
  • D. The classification of peasants as either asami or raiyat

Answer: B

Q3. The East India Company officers' documentation of peasant statements about 'fair assessment' provides evidence that Mughal-era sources likely missed because:

  • A. The Company employed more literate officials than Mughal administrators
  • B. The Company had better irrigation technology for assessing crop productivity
  • C. Direct peasant voices explaining their tax behavior could supplement the top-down perspective of court chronicles like the Ain-i-Akbari ✓
  • D. East India Company policy deliberately sought peasant cooperation unlike Mughal revenue methods

Answer: C

Q4. If Village A's lower tax compliance (68%) was due to perceived over-assessment relative to holdings, what does this suggest about the relationship between peasant perception and state revenue collection?

  • A. Peasant perceptions of assessment fairness significantly influenced tax compliance behavior, supporting the text's emphasis on peasant expectations from the state ✓
  • B. Peasants paid taxes based solely on their holdings' absolute size regardless of fairness perception
  • C. The Mughal state deliberately collected unequal taxes from different regions
  • D. Irrigation access was the primary determinant of tax payment willingness

Answer: A

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Previous Year Questions (PYQ) for Peasants, Zamindars and the State: Agrarian Society and the Mughal Empire

Real CBSE board exam questions from past papers — free to attempt.

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/1/1 · 1 mark

Which of the following is a major source to understand agrarian history of 16th and 17th century India?

  • Revenue records of Agra & Delhi
  • Relationship between peasants and zamindars
  • Important chronicle – the Ain-e-Akbari
  • Types of agricultural crops grown at that time

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/1/1 · 1 mark

Which one of the following statements is most appropriate regarding the zamindars of 16th and 17th century India?

  • The zamindars were the exploitative class for the peasants.
  • The zamindars collected revenue on behalf of the state.
  • They always maintained cordial relations with the villagers.
  • The zamindars had small piece of lands for personal use.

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/1/1 · 3 marks

Examine the role of Panchayat in advocating for the rights of common people during the Mughal era.

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/2/1 · 1 mark

Which of the following statements is true regarding the land revenue system of the Mughals?

  • The revenue collectors collected tax of land in cash only.
  • The cultivated lands were taxed without any measurement.
  • Revenue from the land was the economic mainstay of the empire.
  • The tax collectors used to collect taxes with the help of Sahukars.

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/2/1 · 1 mark

Identify the correct statement from the following regarding the role of women in agrarian society of the Mughal State.

  • Only artisanal work were done by women.
  • Women worked in the fields with men.
  • Remarriage were not allowed for divorced women.
  • Women were totally independent.

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/2/1 · 3 marks

Describe the role of Panchayats in the Mughal era.

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/2/2 · 3 marks

Describe the role of Zamindars in the Mughal era.

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/2/3 · 1 mark

Which one of the following dynasties did Queen Prabhavati belong to?

  • Kanvas
  • Shakas
  • Vakataka
  • Maurya

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/2/3 · 3 marks

Describe the role of village artisans in the Mughal era.

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/4/1 · 1 mark

Which of the following informations were included in the tables of the sarkars in the Ain-i-Akbari?

  • I, III and IV
  • I, II and III
  • I, II and IV
  • II, III and IV

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/4/1 · 8 marks

Imagine if you were developing an educational programme on forest life during the Mughal era. What key aspects of the life of forest-dwellers during that time would you explain? Substantiate.

CBSE 2025 · Set 61/4/2 · 1 mark

Match Column I with Column II and choose the correct option.

  • a-i, b-ii, c-iii, d-iv
  • a-ii, b-iii, c-i, d-iv
  • a-iii, b-iv, c-i, d-ii
  • a-iv, b-i, c-ii, d-iii

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