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Indian Sociologists

NCERT Class 11 · Sociology Based on NCERT Class 11 Sociology textbook · Free CBSE study kit

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Chapter Notes

Overview
This chapter introduces the founding figures of Indian sociology, tracing the discipline's development from its colonial origins to its establishment as an academic field in independent India. It explores how pioneers like G.S. Ghurye, D.P. Mukerji, A.R. Desai, and M.N. Srinivas adapted Western sociological traditions to the Indian context, addressing questions of caste, tribe, tradition, modernity, and the state. The one big idea a student must walk away with is that Indian sociology was not a simple import but a creative indigenization shaped by colonialism, nationalism, and the unique social realities of India.
Key Concepts (12)
Administrator–anthropologists
British administrative officials in colonial India who conducted anthropological research, especially surveys and censuses, and some became well-known anthropologists after retirement.
e.g. Herbert Risley, who measured skulls and noses to argue for a racial basis of caste.
Anthropometry
The branch of anthropology that studied human racial types by measuring the human body, particularly the volume of the cranium, the circumference of the head, and the length of the nose.
e.g. Risley used anthropometric measurements like nose length to classify Indian castes into racial types.
Assimilation
A process by which one culture (usually the larger or more dominant one) gradually absorbs another, so that the assimilated culture merges into the assimilating culture and is no longer alive or visible at the end of the process.
e.g. Ghurye argued that tribal cultures were being assimilated into mainstream Hinduism, making them 'backward Hindus' rather than distinct groups.
Endogamy
A social institution that defines the boundary of a social or kin group within which marriage relations are permissible; marriage outside these defined groups is prohibited.
e.g. Caste endogamy requires a person to marry only within their own caste, as seen in the prohibition of inter-caste marriages in traditional Indian society.
Exogamy
A social institution that defines the boundary of a social or kin group with which or within which marriage relations are prohibited; marriages must be contracted outside these prohibited groups.
e.g. Sagotra exogamy prohibits marriage within the same lineage or gotra, common in Hindu communities.
Laissez-faire
A French phrase meaning 'let be' or 'leave alone', standing for a political and economic doctrine that advocates minimum state intervention in the economy and economic relations, usually associated with belief in the regulative powers and efficiency of the free market.
e.g. Classical liberal theory advocated a laissez-faire state that only maintains law and order, unlike the interventionist welfare state.
Segmental division
A feature of caste where society is divided into a number of closed, mutually exclusive segments or compartments, each determined by birth and unchangeable.
e.g. A person born into the Brahmin caste remains a Brahmin for life; membership cannot be acquired or changed through effort.
Hierarchical division
A feature of caste where each caste is strictly unequal to every other caste, meaning every caste is either higher or lower than every other one, with no two castes being equal in theory.
e.g. Brahmins are considered higher than Shudras in the traditional caste hierarchy, and this ranking is fixed.
Living tradition
A tradition that maintains its links with the past by retaining something from it, while also incorporating new things, thus adapting to the present and evolving over time.
e.g. D.P. Mukerji's concept: a festival like Diwali retains its core rituals (old elements) but may include new practices like eco-friendly firecrackers (new elements).
Welfare state
A positive, democratic state with a mixed economy that actively uses its powers to design and implement social policies for the betterment of society, unlike the laissez-faire state.
e.g. A.R. Desai critiqued the welfare state as a myth, arguing that even in countries like Britain, it fails to eliminate poverty or reduce inequality.
Mixed economy
An economy where both private capitalist enterprises and state or publicly owned enterprises co-exist, with the state sector concentrating on basic goods and social infrastructure while private industry dominates consumer goods.
e.g. In India, the government owns railways and coal mines (public sector), while private companies produce cars and electronics (private sector).
Diffusionism
An intellectual perspective that influenced Ghurye, emphasizing the spread of cultural traits from one society to another, often from a single source.
e.g. Ghurye was influenced by W.H.R. Rivers' diffusionist perspective, which he studied at Cambridge.
How It Works
Ghurye's six features of caste
  1. Caste is based on segmental division: society is divided into closed, mutually exclusive compartments determined by birth.
  2. Caste is based on hierarchical division: every caste is strictly unequal to every other, with no two castes equal in theory.
  3. Caste involves restrictions on social interaction, especially sharing of food, governed by ideas of purity and pollution.
  4. Caste involves differential rights and duties for different castes, extending to both religious and secular practices.
  5. Caste restricts choice of occupation: occupation is hereditary and decided by birth, functioning as a rigid division of labour.
  6. Caste involves strict restrictions on marriage: endogamy (marriage within the caste) is combined with exogamy rules (whom one may not marry).
💡 Students often forget that Ghurye's definition is based on classical texts, not actual practice; in reality, many features were changing even as he wrote.
D.P. Mukerji's three principles of change in Indian tradition
  1. Shruti: the revealed, eternal texts (like the Vedas) that represent the highest authority and are unchanging.
  2. Smriti: the remembered, interpretive texts (like the Dharmashastras) that adapt tradition to changing contexts.
  3. Anubhava: personal experience, which is the revolutionary principle that challenges orthodoxy and brings about change.
💡 Students often confuse shruti and smriti: shruti is 'heard' (revealed), smriti is 'remembered' (interpreted). Anubhava is the key driver of change, but in India it becomes collective experience, not individual.
A.R. Desai's critique of the welfare state
  1. Identify the three defining features of the welfare state: it is a positive (interventionist) state, a democratic state, and has a mixed economy.
  2. Apply five test criteria: freedom from poverty and discrimination, removal of income inequalities, subordination of profit motive to community needs, stable development free from booms and depressions, and full employment.
  3. Evaluate actual performance of welfare states (e.g., Britain, USA, Europe) against these criteria.
  4. Conclude that welfare states fail on all criteria, making the notion of a welfare state a myth.
💡 Desai's critique is from a Marxist perspective; he does not argue that the state should do less, but that it should do more genuinely for citizens, including upholding democracy under communism.
M.N. Srinivas' defense of the village as a social entity
  1. Acknowledge the opposing view (e.g., Louis Dumont) that social institutions like caste are more important than the village as a mere collection of people in a place.
  2. Present historical evidence that villages served as a unifying identity and that village unity was significant in rural social life.
  3. Criticize the British administrator-anthropologists' picture of villages as unchanging, self-sufficient 'little republics'.
  4. Show that villages experienced considerable change and were never self-sufficient, but involved in regional economic, social, and political relationships.
  5. Argue that village studies offered advantages: illustrating ethnographic methods, providing eyewitness accounts of rapid social change in independent India, and making sociology relevant to a modernizing society.
💡 Srinivas did not deny the importance of caste; he argued that the village was also a relevant social entity alongside caste.
Exam Traps — Don't Make These Mistakes
⚠ Confusing Ghurye's view on tribes with protectionist view
✗ Ghurye believed that tribal cultures should be protected and preserved as distinct primitive cultures.
→ Ghurye was a nationalist who argued that tribes were 'backward Hindus' and should be assimilated into mainstream Hindu society, not preserved as distinct cultures. The protectionist view was held by British administrator-anthropologists like Verrier Elwin.
✓ Ghurye characterized Indian tribes as 'backward Hindus' and argued that they were not isolated primitive communities but had been interacting with Hinduism for a long time, thus needing development rather than preservation.
⚠ Misunderstanding D.P. Mukerji's 'living tradition'
✗ A living tradition means a tradition that is completely unchanged from the past.
→ D.P. Mukerji explicitly defined a living tradition as one that maintains links with the past by retaining something from it, but also incorporates new things. It is dynamic, not static.
✓ A living tradition, according to D.P. Mukerji, maintains links with the past by retaining some old elements while also incorporating new ones, thus adapting to the present and evolving over time.
⚠ Thinking A.R. Desai supported the welfare state
✗ A.R. Desai believed the welfare state was an effective model for reducing inequality and ensuring social security.
→ Desai wrote a detailed critique titled 'The myth of the welfare state', arguing that even the most developed welfare states fail to eliminate poverty, reduce inequality, or provide stable development and full employment.
✓ A.R. Desai critiqued the welfare state as a myth, showing through five test criteria that it fails to deliver on its promises of freedom from poverty, income redistribution, and stable development.
⚠ Confusing Srinivas' view on villages with the British view
✗ M.N. Srinivas believed that Indian villages were unchanging, self-sufficient 'little republics'.
→ Srinivas explicitly criticized the British administrator-anthropologists for portraying villages as unchanging and self-sufficient. He used historical and sociological evidence to show that villages experienced considerable change and were never self-sufficient.
✓ M.N. Srinivas argued that villages were relevant social entities that had experienced considerable change and were involved in regional relationships, contradicting the British view of them as unchanging 'little republics'.
⚠ Mixing up Ghurye's and Risley's positions on race and caste
✗ Ghurye fully agreed with Risley that caste originated in race and that upper castes were Aryan and lower castes were non-Aryan across all of India.
→ Ghurye believed Risley's thesis was only partially correct. He pointed out that it was broadly true only for northern India; in other parts, racial groups had been mixing for a long time, so 'racial purity' was preserved only in 'Hindustan proper'.
✓ Ghurye agreed with Risley's basic argument but critiqued it as only partially correct. He argued that the racial theory of caste applied broadly only to northern India, while in most of India, racial mixing had occurred over a long period.
Compare & Contrast
Approach to tribal communities in India
Ghurye's view on tribes
Protectionist view (Verrier Elwin)
Ghurye (nationalist) argued tribes were 'backward Hindus' needing assimilation and development, while protectionists believed tribes were primitive peoples with distinctive cultures that the state should protect from exploitation and cultural degradation through contact with mainstream Hindu society.
Primary driver of social change
D.P. Mukerji's view on change
Western Marxist view on change
D.P. Mukerji argued that in India, change is driven by collective experience (anubhava) and love (prem), not by discursive reason or class conflict as in Western societies. He believed class conflict in India was 'smoothed and covered by caste traditions', making internal non-economic causes of change more important.
Exam Focus
Marks pattern: This chapter typically appears with 2-3 MCQs (1 mark each), 1 short answer question (3 marks) on a key concept like living tradition or features of caste, and 1 long answer question (5 marks) comparing two sociologists or analyzing a debate (e.g., tribal assimilation vs. protection).
Most asked: Ghurye's six features of caste · D.P. Mukerji's concept of living tradition · Debate on tribal communities: Ghurye vs. protectionists · A.R. Desai's critique of the welfare state · M.N. Srinivas on the village as a social entity · Risley vs. Ghurye on race and caste
Don't skip: Explain Ghurye's six features of caste with examples.; What did D.P. Mukerji mean by a 'living tradition'? Why did he insist Indian sociologists must study tradition?; Compare and contrast the views of Ghurye and the protectionists on tribal communities in India.; Outline A.R. Desai's critique of the welfare state.
One-Line Revision (read aloud before the exam)
  1. Indian sociology began formally in 1919 at the University of Bombay, with pioneers like L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer and Sarat Chandra Roy practicing it 'by accident'.
  2. G.S. Ghurye is considered the founder of institutionalized sociology in India, heading Bombay University's department for 35 years and founding the Indian Sociological Society.
  3. Ghurye defined caste by six features: segmental division, hierarchical division, restrictions on social interaction, differential rights and duties, hereditary occupation, and endogamy.
  4. Ghurye argued that Indian tribes were 'backward Hindus' rather than distinct primitive cultures, opposing the protectionist view of British administrator-anthropologists.
  5. Ghurye critiqued Herbert Risley's racial theory of caste, showing it was only partially true for northern India, not the whole country.
  6. D.P. Mukerji emphasized that Indian society is group-oriented, not individualistic, and that tradition is a 'living tradition' that adapts while retaining links to the past.
  7. D.P. Mukerji identified three principles of change in Indian tradition: shruti (revealed texts), smriti (remembered texts), and anubhava (personal/collective experience).
  8. A.R. Desai offered a Marxist critique of the welfare state, calling it a 'myth' that fails to eliminate poverty, reduce inequality, or ensure stable development.
  9. Desai's five test criteria for a welfare state include freedom from poverty, removal of income inequalities, subordination of profit to community needs, stable development, and full employment.
  10. M.N. Srinivas defended the village as a relevant social entity, arguing against Louis Dumont's view that only caste matters.
  11. Srinivas criticized British administrator-anthropologists for portraying villages as unchanging, self-sufficient 'little republics'.
  12. All four sociologists—Ghurye, Mukerji, Desai, and Srinivas—helped 'Indianize' sociology by adapting Western traditions to the Indian context.
  13. The debate on tribal communities in the 1930s-40s pitted nationalists (Ghurye) who favored assimilation against protectionists (Elwin) who favored preserving tribal culture.
  14. Srinivas' fieldwork in a Mysore village was decisive for his career and helped make village studies the dominant field in Indian sociology during the 1950s-60s.

MCQs — 10 Questions with Answers

Q1. In which year did formal university teaching of sociology begin in India?

  • A. 1919 at the University of Bombay ✓
  • B. 1910 at the University of Madras
  • C. 1925 at the University of Delhi
  • D. 1920 at the University of Lucknow

Answer: A — The chapter explicitly states that formal university teaching of sociology began in 1919 at the University of Bombay, followed by Calcutta and Lucknow universities in the 1920s.

Q2. What was L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer's profession before he became known as an anthropologist?

  • A. He was a lawyer and judge
  • B. He was a college teacher and school teacher ✓
  • C. He was a government clerk and administrator
  • D. He was a journalist and writer

Answer: B — The chapter states that Ananthakrishna Iyer began as a clerk, then became a school teacher and college teacher in Cochin state before being asked to conduct ethnographic surveys.

Q3. Which journal did Sarat Chandra Roy found in 1922?

  • A. Sociological Bulletin
  • B. Man in India ✓
  • C. Indian Journal of Anthropology
  • D. Tribal Studies Quarterly

Answer: B — The chapter clearly states that Sarat Chandra Roy founded the journal Man in India in 1922, described as the earliest journal of its kind in India that is still published.

Q4. What makes L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer and Sarat Chandra Roy 'accidental anthropologists'?

  • A. They never received formal training in anthropology but became recognized scholars through fieldwork and professional circumstances ✓
  • B. They accidentally discovered new tribal communities while conducting other professional duties
  • C. They were trained in anthropology but accidentally became sociologists instead
  • D. They worked in anthropology by accident while their main profession was something else entirely

Answer: A — The chapter explains that both became anthropologists through professional necessity (Iyer through ethnographic surveys, Roy through legal interpretation work) without formal training, yet gained national and international recognition.

Q5. According to the chapter, what was a fundamental difference between how Western sociology and Indian sociology emerged?

  • A. Western sociology studied modernity while Indian sociology studied tradition
  • B. Western sociology emerged to understand modernity, but Indian sociology had to understand colonial modernity—a different historical experience ✓
  • C. Western sociology was created by universities while Indian sociology was created by independent scholars
  • D. Western sociology was scientific while Indian sociology was philosophical

Answer: B — The chapter states that Western sociology emerged as an attempt to understand modernity, but India experienced modernity differently because it was a colony, making the colonial context crucial to Indian sociology's shape.

Q6. Which university had India's very first post-graduate teaching department of Sociology?

  • A. University of Calcutta
  • B. University of Bombay ✓
  • C. University of Madras
  • D. University of Lucknow

Answer: B — The chapter explicitly states that G.S. Ghurye headed India's very first post-graduate teaching department of Sociology at Bombay University for thirty-five years.

Q7. What two institutional innovations did G.S. Ghurye's Bombay department pioneer that became hallmarks of Indian sociology?

  • A. Fieldwork-based research and publication in international journals
  • B. The active combining of teaching and research in the same institution, and the merger of social anthropology and sociology ✓
  • C. Studying both urban and rural areas and combining historical and sociological methods
  • D. Recruiting both Indian and Western scholars and publishing regular research bulletins

Answer: B — The chapter specifically mentions these as the two features implemented by Ghurye's Bombay department that were later endorsed by his successors in the discipline.

Q8. Which of the following statements about Indian sociologists is NOT correct? (i) Pioneers like Ananthakrishna Iyer had formal anthropology degrees. (ii) G.S. Ghurye established the Indian Sociological Society. (iii) Sarat Chandra Roy worked in Ranchi for forty-four years.

  • A. Only (i) is incorrect ✓
  • B. Only (ii) is incorrect
  • C. Both (i) and (ii) are incorrect
  • D. Both (ii) and (iii) are incorrect

Answer: A — Statement (i) is incorrect: Ananthakrishna Iyer was self-taught without formal qualifications; (ii) is correct: Ghurye founded the Indian Sociological Society; (iii) is correct: Roy remained in Ranchi for forty-four years.

Q9. What does the chapter suggest about the relationship between colonial experience and the development of Indian sociology?

  • A. Colonial experience had no impact on how Indian sociology developed
  • B. Colonial experience prevented Indian sociology from developing until after independence
  • C. The colonial context meant India experienced modernity differently, which shaped the unique questions Indian sociologists had to ask ✓
  • D. The colonial experience made Indian sociology identical to Western sociology

Answer: C — The chapter emphasizes that India's colonial status meant its experience of modernity was fundamentally different from the West, raising unique questions about what role sociology could play in such a context.

Q10. Which generation of Indian sociologists successfully created the institutional infrastructure (departments, journals, societies) for the discipline?

  • A. The pioneers like Ananthakrishna Iyer and Sarat Chandra Roy worked within established institutions from the start
  • B. G.S. Ghurye and D.P. Mukerji, born in the 1890s, who worked during the colonial period but continued into independence ✓
  • C. A.R. Desai and M.N. Srinivas, born in the early 1900s, who worked entirely after independence
  • D. The earliest pioneers created these institutions before 1920

Answer: B — The chapter explains that while Ananthakrishna Iyer and Roy had no institutions to support them, G.S. Ghurye and D.P. Mukerji (born 1890s) successfully created the first formal departments, societies, and journals that institutionalized Indian sociology.

Flashcards

In what year did formal university teaching of sociology begin in India?

Formal university teaching of sociology began in 1919 at the University of Bombay.

Who was L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer and what was his major contribution?

He was India's first self-taught anthropologist who conducted ethnographic surveys in Cochin and Mysore states, and helped establish the first postgraduate anthropology department at the University of Calcutta.

What was Sarat Chandra Roy's background before becoming an anthropologist?

Sarat Chandra Roy was a lawyer who took an English teaching job in Ranchi in 1898, where he became interested in tribal societies through his court work as an official interpreter.

Define 'accidental anthropologist' in the context of Indian sociology.

An 'accidental anthropologist' is someone like Ananthakrishna Iyer or Sarat Chandra Roy who became sociologists through professional circumstances rather than formal academic training in the discipline.

What was Sarat Chandra Roy's most significant institutional contribution to Indian sociology?

Sarat Chandra Roy founded the journal Man in India in 1922, which was the earliest journal of its kind in India and is still published today.

Why did Western sociology take a different shape in India compared to Europe?

Western sociology emerged to understand modernity, but in India modernity was experienced through colonial subjugation, which created a different historical and social context.

Who is considered the founder of institutionalised sociology in India?

G.S. Ghurye is considered the founder of institutionalised sociology in India because he headed India's first postgraduate teaching department of Sociology at Bombay University for thirty-five years.

What two features did G.S. Ghurye's Bombay University department implement that became hallmarks of Indian sociology?

The active combining of teaching and research within the same institution, and the merger of social anthropology with sociology as complementary disciplines.

Name the four founding fathers of Indian sociology discussed in this chapter.

The four founding fathers are G.S. Ghurye, D.P. Mukerji, A.R. Desai, and M.N. Srinivas.

What central question did Indian sociologists have to answer that European sociologists did not face?

Indian sociologists had to answer what role sociology could play in a sovereign, independent India pursuing planned development and democracy, in addition to understanding colonial modernity and internal tribal societies.

Important Board Questions

What do you understand by the term 'accidental anthropologist'? Give one example from the chapter. [2 marks]

Explain that accidental anthropologists became sociologists through professional circumstance rather than formal training; cite either L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer (ethnographic surveys led to anthropology) or Sarat Chandra Roy (legal interpretation work led to tribal studies).

Explain how the colonial context made India's experience of modernity different from Western modernity, and what questions this raised for Indian sociologists. Support your answer with specific examples from the chapter. [5 marks]

State that Western sociology emerged to study modernity itself, but India experienced modernity through colonial subjugation (different historical context); explain the three key questions raised: (1) role of sociology in a colony, (2) role of anthropology in ancient civilisation with tribal societies, (3) purpose in independent India with planned development; cite the chapter's explicit statement about colonial modernity difference.

Analyse how G.S. Ghurye's approach to institutionalising sociology in India represented a shift from the pioneer approach of scholars like L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer and Sarat Chandra Roy. What were the advantages and long-term significance of this institutional model for Indian sociology? [6 marks]

Contrast pioneers (voluntary, amateur, fieldwork-based, no institutional support) with Ghurye (formal postgraduate department, 35 years leadership, established Indian Sociological Society and Sociological Bulletin journal); explain two key innovations (teaching-research merger and anthropology-sociology integration); discuss long-term significance: created infrastructure for discipline, trained many scholars who occupied prominent positions, enabled continuation of Indian sociology beyond individual pioneers, established sustainable institutional base for the discipline beyond colonial period.

Assertion-Reason Questions for Indian Sociologists

Q1. Assertion (A):

G.S. Ghurye is considered the founder of institutionalized sociology in India because he headed the first post-graduate teaching department of Sociology at Bombay University for thirty-five years.

Reason (R):

He also founded the Indian Sociological Society and merged social anthropology with sociology in a single department.

Answer: A — Both A and R are true, and R is the correct explanation of A — Both assertion and reason are true. The assertion correctly identifies Ghurye's role in institutionalizing sociology, and the reason provides accurate additional evidence of his foundational contributions through creating institutions and merging disciplines. The reason directly explains why he deserves this distinction.

Q2. Assertion (A):

L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer received an honorary doctorate from a German university during his lecture tour of European universities.

Reason (R):

He was the first self-taught anthropologist to receive international recognition as a scholar.

Answer: B — Both A and R are true, but R is NOT the correct explanation of A — Both assertion and reason are true, but the reason does not explain the assertion. The honorary doctorate was awarded because of his international recognition and scholarly reputation, not because he was self-taught. The reason describes a characteristic but not the cause of receiving the doctorate.

Q3. Assertion (A):

Western sociology emerged as an attempt to make sense of modernity, whereas Indian sociology had to contend with modernity experienced through colonial subjugation.

Reason (R):

India rejected all Western sociological concepts and developed a completely independent discipline.

Answer: C — A is true but R is false — The assertion is true—the text emphasizes the difference between Western modernity and India's colonial modernity context. However, the reason is false—the text clearly states Indian sociologists were 'deeply influenced by western traditions of sociology' but adapted them to Indian contexts, not rejected them wholesale.

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Case-Based Questions (CBQ) for Indian Sociologists

Case Study:

In 1902, the Dewan of Cochin State commissioned an ethnographic survey to document the communities and cultures of the region. L.K. Ananthakrishna Iyer, a college teacher at Maharajah's College in Ernakulam, was asked to assist with this work. While continuing his full-time teaching position during weekdays, Iyer volunteered as the unpaid Superintendent of Ethnography on weekends for several years. His meticulous documentation of Cochin's diverse communities impressed both British administrators and international scholars, leading to invitations for similar surveys in Mysore and eventually a position as Reader at Calcutta University's newly established anthropology department.

Q1. Iyer's initial entry into ethnographic work occurred through:

  • A. A formal academic degree in anthropology
  • B. An administrative request for a government service, which he undertook voluntarily while maintaining his teaching job ✓
  • C. His own independent research initiative without institutional support
  • D. A British scholarship to study anthropology in Europe

Answer: B

Q2. What does Iyer's career progression from weekend volunteer ethnographer to Calcutta University Reader demonstrate about early Indian academia?

  • A. Formal qualifications were unnecessary for university appointments
  • B. Recognized scholarship and fieldwork expertise could lead to formal academic positions even without traditional credentials ✓
  • C. Universities preferred amateur scholars over trained professionals
  • D. Anthropology was not considered a serious discipline in Indian universities

Answer: B

Q3. The British administrators' involvement in commissioning the ethnographic survey reflects:

  • A. Interest in preserving traditional cultures purely for scholarly reasons
  • B. Support for developing Indian scholarship without ulterior motives
  • C. Colonial administrative need to understand and document the populations under their rule ✓
  • D. Belief that ethnography was more important than other academic disciplines

Answer: C

Q4. Iyer's appointment to set up the first post-graduate anthropology department at Calcutta University (1917-1932) suggests that Indian sociology institutions were:

  • A. Established without any regard for quality scholars
  • B. Founded before there were any qualified anthropologists in India
  • C. Created primarily to serve colonial administrative purposes
  • D. Developed using the expertise of scholars who had proven themselves through significant fieldwork and research ✓

Answer: D

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